But that alone would not, at first sight, have any bearing on the question whether this revolution was for good or for bad yet it is supposed that, if it were not for bad, it would have been made long ago. Certainly we must admit that it shares this distinction with the Budget and flying-machines and wireless telegraphy and most other things. “The concession of Parliamentary votes to women,” we are told, “must be in the United Kingdom, either for good or bad, a revolution” (p. We will begin, as the Professor himself does, with minor arguments which have not much persuasive power in themselves, but serve to raise a prejudice or a presumption which may make the reader more receptive when he comes to the really serious objections. In this examination, Professor Dicey’s book will afford a useful text. But such as they are, they deserve examination. It must be confessed that they do not make a very formidable array, and that many of them are old friends which have done duty against every reform since the ancient Britons first ceased to dye themselves with woad. Now, however, owing to the activities of the Anti-Suffrage League and the writings of an eminent Professor, 1it has become possible to discover what are the reasons for opposition which it is thought wise to avow. For, though much had been written and spoken in its favour, opponents still felt themselves securely entrenched behind the ramparts of prejudice and custom, and did not think it necessary or prudent to venture on the open ground of explicit discussion. THE ARGUMENTS AGAINST women’s suffrage were, until lately, by no means easy to discover. Bertrand Russell – On Anti-Suffragist Arguments Anti-Suffragist Anxieties
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